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WHEN Newt Gingrich’s presidential campaign foundered last summer, leading to the mass resignation of his staff and reports that his campaign debt exceeded $1m, the problem was not that he seemed to prefer luxury cruises through Greece and Turkey with Mrs Gingrich (speaking, right) to the messy business of a political campaign. The problem, as he was only too happy to explain, was that “much like Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, I’m such an unconventional political figure that you really need to design a unique campaign that fits the way I operate and what I’m trying to do.”

What that meant in practice was shilling for money over the internet and turning in some incandescently angry debate performances. It worked, after a fashion. He began rising in the polls. He announced directly, “I’m going to be the nominee.” But then people started voting. The first three contests split, with Rick Santorum squeaking to victory in Iowa after spending far more time there than any other candidate; Mitt Romney winning New Hampshire, where he has a home; and Mr Gingrich unexpectedly trouncing the opposition in South Carolina. Then he lost Florida and Nevada in quick succession, his snarling pomposity punctured by a Romney barrage of negative ads.
The Gingrich campaign had a strategy, of sorts: their hero would win the South, ending with a victory in Louisiana’s primary on March 24th, whereupon momentum would work its magic. That did not happen. Aside from South Carolina, Mr Gingrich has won precisely one of the 38 states and territories that have so far voted: his adopted home state of Georgia. In late March he sacked one-third of his campaign staff. On April 3rd he decisively lost Maryland, Washington, DC and Wisconsin, his wife’s home state. Mr Romney improved his delegate total to 634 against 263 for his closest rival, Mr Santorum. The race now goes quiet until April 24th, when five states vote, the biggest prizes being New York and Mr Santorum’s home state of Pennsylvania.
For the Gingrich campaign, however, the real problem had become clear some time before this week’s results. It was the voters. They kept making the wrong decision. And so Mr Gingrich’s flack announced that they were going to be “focusing exclusively on what it’ll take to win what we’re going to be calling a big-choice convention in August.” In other words, having failed to appeal to a majority, or even a plurality, of voters—the people who ostensibly select the candidate—Mr Gingrich will appeal to their superiors to correct the peons’ error. During this campaign Mr Gingrich has consistently claimed that he frightens, and is running against, “the Washington establishment”, which is of course laughable; he served ten terms in Congress before becoming a “consultant”, think-tanker and free-floating policy wonk. This strategy buries even the pretence of anti-establishmentarianism.
Explore our interactive map and guide to the race for the Republican candidacy.He has since softened his stance a bit, but he has also vowed to stay in the race until Mr Romney clinches a majority. How long that vow will last is anybody’s guess. Sheldon Adelson, a casino magnate who, together with his family, has given Mr Gingrich’s Super PAC more than $15m, said that he believes Mr Gingrich is “at the end of his line”. A recent poll showed that 60% of Republicans want him to quit the race.
看看我们的互动地图和本次共和党候选人提名竞选的指南。金里奇的立场已经变得缓和了一些,但他仍发誓将竞选进行到底,直至罗姆尼获得绝大多数选票。这一誓言能维持多久难以预料。赌场大亨谢尔登·阿德尔森和他的家族已经给予金里奇的超级政治行动委员会超过1500万美元,这位赌场大亨说他相信金里奇“已是穷途末路”. 最近的一次民调显示60%的共和党成员希望他退出竞选。
Acknowledging defeat will not be easy. The next presidential race will probably attract a more daunting field of candidates, leaving little room for a man who will then be 72 and whose House career ended in censure and disgrace. In stump speeches he has traced the origins of his presidential aspirations back to 1958, when he was 15 years old. In the early 1990s he described himself as an “advocate of civilisation, definer of civilisation, teacher of the rules of civilisation…leader (possibly) of the civilising forces.” Or possibly not.
承认失败并不容易。下一次的总统竞选,将吸引更多富有实力,令人望而却步的候选人,这样一来,留给这位72岁,其议会生涯在谴责和耻辱中结束的男人的空间所剩无几。在政治演说中,他曾经追忆他想当总统的起源,当时是1958年,他只有15岁。20世纪90年代早起,他形容自己是一个“文明的倡导者,文明的定义者,文明规则的教授者.....文明力量的领袖(大概吧)”. 看来事实并非如此。

重点单词   查看全部解释    


adv. 果断地;决然地

advocate ['ædvəkeit,'ædvəkit]


n. 提倡者,拥护者,辩护者,律师
v. 主张

stance [stæns]


n. 准备击球姿势,站姿,踏脚处,位置

censure ['senʃə]


n. 责难,非难 v. 非难,责备,公开谴责

explore [iks'plɔ:]


v. 探险,探测,探究

voting ['vəutiŋ]


n. 投票 动词vote的现在分词形式

unconventional ['ʌnkən'venʃənəl]


adj. 非传统的

delegate ['deligit]


n. 代表
vt. 派 ... 为代表,委派<

split [split]


n. 劈开,裂片,裂口
adj. 分散的

exclusively [iks'klu:sivli]


adv. 排他地(独占地,专门地,仅仅,只)


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