评论
打印
And it could be difficult for him to remain in office
而且，一旦有人对他提出正式的刑事指控，
once formal criminal charges are lodged against him, possibly as soon as late summer.
他可能就很难继续执政了，而这种局面今年夏末就可能出现。
Mr. Netanyahu spent much of the past year
去年，内塔尼亚胡花了很多时间
undermining law enforcement officials and the gatekeepers of Israel’s liberal democracy,
削弱执法官员和以色列自由民主的守护人的权利，
railing against the police, the attorney general and what he called the “leftist” mainstream media,
抨击警察、司法部长和他所谓的“左派”主流媒体，
trying to delegitimize his critics and organizations working for Palestinian rights.
试图取消批评人士和为巴勒斯坦权利工作的组织的合法性。
His government has also worked to curb the powers of the Supreme Court.
他的政府还曾设法限制最高法院的权力。
Even as Mr. Netanyahu forged diplomatic ties and trading partnerships with new countries,
即便是在与新国家建立外交关系和贸易伙伴关系之际，
he stymied any prospect of a resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict,
内塔尼亚胡也还阻碍了任何形式解决巴以冲突的方案的可能性，
aided by a weak, divided and at times recalcitrant Palestinian leadership.
其中也有巴勒斯坦领导层软弱、分裂，有时还很桀骜不驯这一点在推波助澜的关系。
Veering farther to the right in the final days of the election campaign,
在竞选活动的最后几天，内塔尼亚胡进一步转向了右翼，
he pledged to start annexing parts of the occupied West Bank if re-elected, a move he had long resisted.
他承诺，如果再次当选，他将开始吞并约旦河西岸被占领地区的部分地方，而此前他对此一直是抵制的。
He was widely expected in his coalition negotiations
人们普遍猜测，他会在联合谈判期间，
to try to trade passage of annexation laws for retroactive immunity to prosecution in the corruption cases against him.
以通过兼并法换取对腐败案件的追诉豁免权。
But Israelis as a whole have lost faith in a two-state solution, polls show,
但民意调查显示，以色列人整体上已经对“两国方案”失去信心了，
and the election seemed to bear that out.
而选举似乎就已证明了这一点。
For many Palestinians, the distinctions between Mr. Netanyahu and Mr. Gantz were inconsequential.
对许多巴勒斯坦人来说，内塔尼亚胡和甘茨两人的不同并不紧要。
Saeb Erekat, the chief Palestinian negotiator, pointed to one exit poll
巴勒斯坦首席谈判代表埃雷卡特提到了某投票后民调，
showing that only 18 of the Parliament’s members still supported a two-state solution,
该民调显示，只有18名议会成员继续支持“两国方案”，
calling this “a consequence of the culture of impunity granted to Israel.”
他称，这是“以色列有罪不罚文化的后果”。
“What the exit polls suggest is that Israelis have voted to preserve the status quo,” he said.
“投票后民调显示，以色列人投票支持的是维持现状，”他说。
“They have said ‘no’ to peace and ‘yes’ to the occupation.”
“他们已经对和平说‘不’，对占领说‘好’了。”
Early analysis showed a historically low turnout among Arab citizens of Israel,
早期分析显示，以色列阿拉伯公民这次的投票率陷入了历史新低，
many of whom boycotted the vote out of disillusionment with Israeli politics and with their own politicians.
出于对以色列政治以及对他们自己的政客的幻灭，他们中的许多人都选择了抵制这次选举。
By nightfall, Arab leaders were frantically trying to rally their supporters,
夜幕时分，以色列的阿拉伯领导人拼尽全力为自己拉票之际，
mosques were broadcasting appeals from minaret loudspeakers,
各大清真寺也忙着通过宣礼塔的广播呼告，
and a last-minute surge of participation seemed to materialize in some predominantly Arab towns,
一些以阿拉伯人为主的城镇的投票人数在最后一刻出现了激增，
though that was not captured in exit polls.
尽管选举后民调并没有反映出这一点。
译文由可可原创，仅供学习交流使用，未经许可请勿转载。
