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In the Senate, progressive Sen. Sherrod Brown will lead the Banking Committee. In the aftermath of the financial crisis a dozen years ago, he championed an initiative to break up the largest banks; it was stymied by the panel's then-chairman Chris Dodd, with an assist by the Obama administration. Now Brown is in a position to resurrect the idea, knowing it could generate bipartisan support—and in recent days he signaled an eagerness for aggressive action when he said, "Wall Street doesn't get to run this entire economy" and reiterated his call for "breaking up the big banks."
在参议院，进步派参议员谢罗德·布朗将领导银行委员会。在十几年前爆发的金融危机的余波中，他倡导了一项拆分最大银行的倡议；该倡议遭到了当时该委员会主席多德的阻挠，奥巴马政府也是帮凶。现在布朗有能力重新提出这个想法，因为他知道这可能会获得两党的支持。最近几天，他表示迫切希望采取积极行动，他说：“华尔街无法管理整个美国经济”，并再次呼吁“拆分大银行”
Meanwhile, Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders will chair the powerful Senate Budget Committee. He will be able to set federal spending priorities and also be in a position to use the arcane process known as reconciliation to try to circumvent the Senate filibuster for big-ticket items such as the one he recently floated: an emergency program to extend medical coverage to anyone during the pandemic, whether or not they have existing insurance coverage.
与此同时，佛蒙特州参议员伯尼·桑德斯将担任参议院预算委员会主席。他将能够确定联邦支出的优先次序，也能够利用“预算调节”的神秘程序来试图绕过参议院的阻挠，解决一些大问题，比如他最近提出的一项紧急计划：在疫情期间向所有人提供医疗保险，无论他们现在是否参保。
During the Obama era, Democrats often declined to wield their power—they did not use budget reconciliation to try to enact a public health insurance option, for example, and they did not employ the CRA to repeal Bush-era regulations. By contrast, Republicans during the Trump presidency used reconciliation to pass his giant tax cut for the wealthy, and weaponized the CRA to scrap 14 Obama regulations.
在奥巴马时代，民主党人经常拒绝行使权力，例如，他们没有利用预算调节来制定公共医疗保险方案，他们也没有利用国会审查法来废除布什时代的规定。相比之下，特朗普任总统期间的共和党人利用预算调节通过了他对富人的巨额减税，并将国会审查法武器化，废除了奥巴马的14项规定。
Sanders understands the imperative of using every tool possible to make change. "We have to act with a boldness that we have not seen in this country since FDR," he told NBC News. "If we do not, I suspect that in two years we will not be in the majority."
桑德斯明白使用一切可能的工具进行变革的必要性。他对NBC新闻说：“我们必须大胆行动，即使自罗斯福总统以来我们在美国从未实行过。”“如果我们不这样做，我怀疑两年后我们将不会占多数席位。”
Biden campaigned for the presidency promising to restore a pre-crisis normal. But that is not enough to pull America back from the abyss and stave off the surge of authoritarianism today—just as it was not enough during the Great Depression.
拜登竞选总统时承诺恢复危机前的正常状态。但这还不足以把美国从深渊中拉回来，也不足以阻止当今的独裁主义浪潮，就像大萧条时期的举措还不够一样。
Back then, Roosevelt seemed to appreciate that business as usual would not stave off fascism and rescue the country—much, much more was required.
当时，罗斯福似乎意识到，一切照旧并不能避免法西斯主义和拯救国家，还需要更多。
"There must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing," he said in his first inaugural address. "Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation asks for action, and action now."
他在第一次就职演说中说：“必须终止金融业和商业中的一种作法，它常常使得神圣的委托深似无情和自私的恶行。”“然而，恢复需要的不仅仅是改变道德规范。美国要求采取行动，现在就行动。”
Those words ring true in this moment of peril—the best hope for America is not a vapid Biden paean to the "soul of this nation," but a Biden administration that is pressed by progressives to take action and deliver real material gains to the working class.
这些话也同样适用这个危机四伏的时刻，美国最大的希望不是拜登对“美国的灵魂”的乏味赞歌，而是拜登政府在进步人士的压力下采取行动，为工人阶级带来真正的物质利益。
If that does not happen, then a new right-wing authoritarian will likely ride another wave of anger at the continued inequality, destitution and dysfunction—and that next menace is likely to be even more dangerous than Trump.
如果这种情况没有发生，那么一个新的右翼威权主义者很可能会再次崛起于持续的不平等、贫困和功能失调中，下一个威胁可能比特朗普更危险。
译文由可可原创，仅供学习交流使用，未经许可请勿转载。
