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处在危险中--最后一家堕胎诊所(3)

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That legal strategy was supercharged by a 1992 Supreme Court decision, Planned Parenthood v. Casey, in which the Justices ruled that states could restrict abortion so long as they did not impose an “undue burden” on patients.

1992 年最高法院在计划生育诉凯西案的裁决中强化了这一法律策略,在该判决中,法官们裁定各州可以限制堕胎,只要它们不对患者施加“不适当的负担”。
In the three decades since, the number of laws restricting abortion multiplied.
在此后的30年里,限制堕胎的法律数量成倍增加。
Abortion opponents framed many of these new rules as protections for women’s health, but doctors often described them as medically unnecessary.
反对堕胎者将许多新规定视为对女性健康的保护,但医生们往往认为这些规定在医学上是不必要的。
“It’s simply that the enforcement of these regulations would make it hard to keep clinics open,” says Elizabeth Nash of the Guttmacher Institute, a research center that supports abortion rights.
支持堕胎权利的古特马赫研究所的伊丽莎白·纳什说:“只是,这些规定的执行将使诊所难以继续营业。”
The plan worked. In 1992, there were 2,380 abortion providers in the U.S., according to Guttmacher.
该计划奏效了。据古特马赫说,1992年,美国有2380名堕胎服务提供者。
In 2017, the most recent year for which statistics are available, there were 1,587.
2017 年,也就是可提供统计数据的最近一年,有1587名。
Mississippi has been the tip of the spear in this strategy.
密西西比州一直是这一战略的先锋。
In the ’90s and 2000s, state lawmakers passed more than two dozen restrictions on abortion, each of which came with new costs, paperwork, or staffing rules that pushed abortion clinics out of business.
在20世纪90年代和21世纪初,州议员通过了二十多项限制堕胎的法令,每一项都伴随着新的成本、文书工作或人员配备规定,迫使堕胎诊所倒闭。
By 2004, JWHO was the only clinic in the state left standing.
到2004年,JWHO是该州唯一一家幸存的诊所。
Brewer says it’s still struggling to stay afloat. “There are so many hurdles,” she says.
布鲁尔表示,该诊所仍在努力维持运营。“障碍太多了,”她说。
Brewer was first hired at the Pink House in 2001 as a sterilization technician.
布鲁尔于2001年首次被“粉红之家”聘用,担任灭菌技术员。
Back then, she says, she was not attuned to the national politics of abortion.
她说,当时她并不了解国家的堕胎政治。
Her outlook was guided by her own experience growing up in a poor family outside Jackson, where she received no sex education in school and no one ever talked about abortion.
在杰克逊郊外一个贫困家庭中长大的经历引导了她的观点,她在学校里没有接受过性教育,也没有人谈论过堕胎。
In her mid-20s, she tried to get an abortion, but was too far along, and had a baby when she didn’t feel prepared to do so.
在她25岁左右的时候,她曾试图堕胎,但时间太长了,而且她还没准备好就生了一个孩子。
Brewer now has six kids she loves.
布鲁尔现在有六个她喜欢的孩子。
When she talks about “reproductive justice,” she describes it as letting people decide if, when and how they choose to have a family.
当她谈到“生殖正义”时,她将其描述为让人们决定是否、何时以及如何选择拥有一个家庭。
In 2010, when Brewer was promoted to clinic director, the national politics of abortion found her.
2010年,当布鲁尔被提升为诊所主任时,国家堕胎方面的政治家找到了她。
Brewer credits Diane Derzis, majority owner of the Pink House, for helping to guide her.
布鲁尔感谢粉色之家的主要所有者黛安·德齐斯对她的帮助与指导。
“She taught me how to speak up and how to fight,” Brewer says.
布鲁尔说:“她教会了我如何大声说出自己的想法,如何抗争。”
“In the South, we’re limited on who’s speaking out. This is not the time to be quiet.”
“在南方,我们的发声权利受限。但现在不是沉默的时候。”

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decision [di'siʒən]

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n. 决定,决策

 
impose [im'pəuz]

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v. 加上,课征,强迫,征收(税款)

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sterilization [.sterilai'zeiʃən]

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n. 消毒,灭菌

 
legal ['li:gəl]

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adj. 法律的,合法的,法定的

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vt. 限制,约束

 
institute ['institju:t]

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n. 多数,大多数,多数党,多数派
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