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In 1984, at the age of 18, John Boyd Jr.bought a farm for the hefty sum of $51,000.
1984年，18岁的小约翰-博伊德以5.1万美元的高价购买了一个农场。
Boyd's ancestors have always been tied to the land.
博伊德的祖先总是与土地联系在一起。
His great-grandfather was enslaved and forced to work the land under the brutal chattel slavery system, and, during Jim Crow, Boyd’s grandfather owned land but was always fearful of it being taken from him so he slept with the deed under his bed every night.
他的曾祖父被奴役，在残酷的动产奴隶制下被迫耕种土地，在吉姆-克罗时期，博伊德的祖父拥有土地，但总是担心土地被夺走，所以他每天晚上都把地契放在睡觉的床下。
After Boyd purchased the land of his future cattle and soybean farm, it was not as simple as sowing seeds and reaping the harvest.
在博伊德购买了牛和大豆农场后，才发现这并不是播种和收获那么简单。
At every step of the way Boyd was stymied, insulted, and degraded by the racist machinations of the US Department of Agriculture local extension office.
在每一个步骤中，博伊德都受到美国农业部地方推广办公室的种族主义阴谋的阻挠、侮辱和贬低。
While his white neighbors easily secured six figure loans without even applying, Boyd, a Black farmer, had to struggle to even schedule a meeting with the extension agent.
当他的白人邻居甚至不需要申请就能轻松获得六位数的贷款时，博伊德，一个黑人农民，苦恼于为安排与推广人员会面。
But what Boyd experienced isn’t unusual for Black farmers in the United States, in fact it’s the standard.
但是，博伊德的经历对于美国的黑人农民来说并不罕见，事实上，一般情况就是如此。
Today we’re going to look at the history of Black farmers in the US.
今天我们聊聊美国黑人农民的历史。
A history of trauma, racism, and dispossession that has led to this graph, but also a history that reveals the power of resilience and collective resistance in the face of oppression, and the need to forge a new food system and relationship with the land that foregrounds reparations, anti-colonialism, and an anti-capitalist mindset.
这段创伤、种族主义和剥夺的历史造就了这张图，但这段历史也揭示了面对压迫时复原力和集体抵抗的力量，以及需要建立一个新的食品系统和与土地的关系，将赔偿、反殖民主义和反资本主义的思维方式放在首位。
The United States was built on a system of chattel slavery, and the violent exploitation and dehumanization of enslaved people.
美国是建立在动产阶级奴隶制以及对被奴役者的暴力剥削和非人化的制度之上。
And to assume that the effects of this system are somehow in the past, is just incorrect and ahistorical.
假设这个制度的影响在某种程度上已经成为过去，是不正确和不符合历史的。
The ramifications of the United State’s slave economy pervades every aspect of policy and culture in this country, including farming.
美国奴隶制经济的影响渗透到这个国家政策和文化的各个方面，包括农业。
Most of the ancestors of Black farmers today were enslaved people forced to work, bleed, and tend to land that was stolen by white settlers from the thousands of tribes and first nations indigenous to the land before the Europeans arrived.
今天黑人农民的大多数祖先都是被奴役的人，他们被迫工作，流血，照料土地，而这些土地是白人定居者在欧洲人到来之前从成千上万的部落和第一民族那里偷来的。
Farming in the United States is thus intertwined with the dual legacy of settler colonialism and white supremacist, capitalist exploitation of Black people.
因此，美国的农业与定居者殖民主义和白人至上主义、资本主义剥削黑人的双重遗产交织在一起。
As a result, the Black American farmer’s experience is rooted in the trauma caused by white settlers and farmers, and the discrimination they faced from institutions and structures.
因此，美国黑人农民的经历植根于白人定居者和农民造成的创伤，以及他们面临的来自机构和结构的歧视。
But the history of Black American relationship with land doesn’t start and end with chattel slavery.
但美国黑人与土地关系的历史并不以动产奴隶制为起点和终点。
The legacy of Black farmers is a rich tapestry of resilience, ingenuity and defiance against a white supremacist nation.
黑人农民的遗产是一幅丰富的挂毯，它体现了坚韧不拔、聪明才智和对白人至上主义国家的反抗。
In the wake of the American Civil War, the Secretary of War Edmund Stanton urged Union general William T. Sherman to sit down with 20 leaders of the Black community in Savannah, Georgia and ask them a simple question: “What do you want for your own people?”
在美国内战之后，战争部长埃德蒙-斯坦顿让联邦将军威廉·谢尔曼与乔治亚州萨凡纳的20名黑人社区领导人坐下来，问了他们一个简单的问题。"你们想为自己的人民做些什么？"
The unequivocal answer from the participants, all of whom were ministers and many of whom were formerly enslaved people, was that “The way we can best take care of ourselves… is to have land, and turn it and till it by our own labor.
与会者都是牧师，其中许多人以前是被奴役的人，他们明确的回答是："我们能够最好地照顾自己的方式......是拥有土地，通过我们自己的劳动耕种它。
These 20 men knew that in the capitalist settler colonial United States, owning and tending to your own land was the surest form of freedom.
这20个人知道，在资本主义殖民者的美国，拥有和照料自己的土地是最可靠的自由形式。
Four days later, on January 17, 1965, Sherman issued Special Field Order 15, which carved out 400,000 acres of land in the South for formerly enslaved people to farm and steward.
四天后，即1965年1月17日，谢尔曼发布了第15号特别战地命令，在南方划出40万英亩土地，让以前被奴役的人去耕种和管理。
This order is the origin of the phrase “40 acres and a mule,” and was based on the ideas and recommendations of the local Black community, not then President Abraham Lincoln.
这个命令是 "40英亩和一头骡子 "这一短语的起源，它是基于当地黑人社区的想法和建议，而不是当时的总统亚伯拉罕-林肯。
Over 40,000 Black Americans took to the land, but the victory was fleeting.
超过4万名美国黑人走上了这片土地，但胜利转瞬即逝。
After Andrew Johnson assumed the presidency in April of the same year, he worked to dismantle the proclamation and eventually began reversing and stealing back the ceded land.
安德鲁-约翰逊在同年4月就任总统后，致力于废除该公告，并最终开始推翻和偷回割让的土地。
Farming while Black after the Civil War was a constant struggle.
内战后，黑人务农是一场持久的斗争。
Most Black farmers were forced into exploitative sharecropping relationships with white farmers who still owned much of the farmland around the United States.
大多数黑人农民被迫与仍然拥有美国各地大部分农田的白人农民建立了剥削性的佃农关系。
Sharecropping preserved many of the profitable parts of the chattel slavery system for Southern white landowners.
佃农制为南方白人地主保留了动产奴隶制中许多有利可图的部分。
Black farmers were forced to rent farmland from white landholders “in exchange for an often-meager share of the harvest.
黑人农民被迫向白人地主租用农田，"以换取往往是微不足道的收获份额。
In short, white landholders stole the harvests of Black sharecroppers by claiming that it was the payment for renting their land.
简而言之，白人地主窃取黑人佃农的收成，声称这是租用他们土地的报酬。
Yet, despite the prominence of sharecropping, the number of Black farmers continued to rise to its peak in 1920, when Black farmers totaled 925,708 or 14.3% of all the farmers in the United States.
然而，尽管佃农制很突出，但黑人农民的数量继续上升到1920年的高峰，当时黑人农民总数为925,708人，占美国农民总数的14.3%。
But ever since, the constant racialized terror campaigns of white southerners and institutional racism perpetrated by federal programs like the USDA, however, have pushed Black farmers and communities to migrate en masse from the rural south to the industrial north.
但从那时起，南方白人不断的种族化恐怖运动和联邦计划（如美国农业部）实施的制度性种族主义，却促使黑人农民和社区大规模地从南方农村迁移到北方工业地区。
Indeed, as Black folks in the South resisted Jim Crow laws, historian Pete Daniel writes that “USDA programs were sharpened into weapons to punish civil rights activity.
事实上，当南方的黑人抵制吉姆-克罗法时，历史学家皮特-丹尼尔写道："美国农业部计划被磨成了惩罚民权活动的武器。”
He goes on to add that “planters evicted tenants and sharecroppers who attempted to register to vote and replaced them with machines and chemicals.
他继续补充说，"种植者驱逐了试图登记投票的租户和佃农，并用机器和化学品取代他们。”
