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Kyiv is still pressing for two kinds of hardware that Western military analysts say are essential to the counteroffensive: more advanced mine-clearing equipment, and longer-range American ATACM tactical ballistic missiles, allowing Ukraine to target Russian supply lines and strike targets in occupied Crimea.
基辅仍在要求获得西方军事分析人士认为对反攻至关重要的两种武器：更先进的扫雷设备，以及射程更远的美国陆军战术弹道导弹(ATACM)，使乌克兰能够瞄准俄罗斯的补给线，攻击被占领的克里米亚目标。
Yet the reason for the sometimes halting delivery of weapons underscores the difference between the political calculus behind the Biden administration’s Ukraine strategy, and Kyiv’s approach.
然而，有时停止运送武器的原因凸显了差异--拜登政府乌克兰战略背后的政治考量与基辅做法之间的差异。
U.S. President Joe Biden led an unprecedentedly united allied response to Russian President Vladimir Putin’s initial invasion.
美国总统乔·拜登对俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京最初的入侵做出了前所未有的联合回应。
He has vowed to back Kyiv “for as long as it takes.” But he has also been keeping a wary eye on Mr. Putin.
他发誓“只要需要”就会支持基辅。但他也一直对普京警惕地观察着。
From the outset, the White House has been worried about breaching the Russian leader’s presumed “red lines” and provoking him to widen the conflict further.
从一开始，白宫就担心此举会突破这位俄罗斯领导人假定的“红线”，刺激他进一步扩大冲突。
That has had the effect of slowing some weapons deliveries.
这已经是减缓一些武器交付的效果。
In Europe, those U.S. allies geographically nearest to Russia – Poland and the Scandinavian countries – share Ukraine’s view that this has risked playing into Mr. Putin’s hands, diverting attention from the fundamental need to push back the invaders.
在欧洲，那些在地理上与俄罗斯相距最近的美国盟友——波兰和斯堪的纳维亚国家——与乌克兰观点一致，他们都认为这样做有可能正中普京的下怀，把人们的注意力从击退侵略者的基本需求上转移开。
But some major European states, like Germany and France, seem to share Mr. Biden’s worries.
但德国和法国等一些主要欧洲国家似乎也有和拜登一样的担忧。
If the battlefield stalemate persists into 2024, Ukraine could well face an even more unpalatable prospect: that pressure will build for a diplomatic resolution, and a deal that would leave Russia in de facto control of the parts of Ukraine it has taken over.
如果这场战争僵局持续到2024年，乌克兰很可能会面临一个更让人难以接受的前景：这种压力将促使各方建立外交解决方案并达成一项协议，让俄罗斯在事实上控制其占领的乌克兰部分地区。
So far, only a scattering of Western voices – most prominently, former French President Nicolas Sarkozy – has broached that scenario publicly.
到目前为止，只有少数西方国家的声音——最突出的是法国前总统尼古拉 萨尔科齐——公开提出了这一设想。
They have been squelched by allied governments.
他们的声音被盟国政府镇压了。
But that, the Ukrainians worry, may only be because negotiations are so clearly unrealistic at the moment.
不过乌克兰人也担心这样的情况，因为目前双方进行谈判显然不现实。
Kyiv will be reassured, for now, that the European foreign ministers reaffirmed their commitment to the peace plan announced last year by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy – which calls for a full withdrawal of all Russian troops and a special tribunal to prosecute alleged Russian war crimes.
基辅现在可以放心了，欧洲各国外长重申了他们对乌克兰总统弗拉基米尔·泽连斯基去年宣布的和平计划的承诺。这个和平计划要求俄罗斯军队全部撤出乌克兰，并成立一个特别法庭来起诉俄罗斯的战争罪行。
Yet those terms, of course, are nonstarters for Mr. Putin, and will remain so unless his forces in Ukraine suffer major setbacks that threaten possible defeat.
然而，这些条件目前无望实施到普京身上，以后也无望这么做，除非他在乌克兰的部队遭遇重大的可能导致战败的挫折。
That is the goal that Ukraine is still aiming for, which is why Kyiv remains insistent that the allies’ surest route to a diplomatic exit is to provide Kyiv with the range of weaponry it needs to effect a major change on the battlefield.
而这是乌克兰仍在追求的目标，这就是为什么基辅仍然坚称，盟国最可靠的外交退出途径是，向基辅提供能使战争产生重大变化的一系列武器。
Red lines or no red lines.
越过红线，或不越过红线。
