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Still, there are indeed new forces driving refugees northward from Latin America toward the United States, and, in even greater numbers, from Africa toward Europe.
新力量推动难民从拉丁美洲北上前往美国，另外，也有更多的难民从非洲北上前往欧洲。
They include civil wars, ethnic conflicts, the ravages of climate change, and failed or autocratic governments.
这些因素包括内战、种族冲突、气候变化造成的破坏，以及难以为继的政府或专制政府。
These are often to blame for the loss of livelihood and poverty that make the journey north seem worthwhile.
这些往往是导致丧失生计和陷入贫困的原因，而这使得北上移民之旅看起来是值得的。
All of this, moreover, has provided a desperate client base for a burgeoning, cynical, and highly profitable international industry: people trafficking.
此外，所有这些都为一个新兴的、损人利己的、高利润的国际行业——人口贩运——提供了一个绝望的客户基础。
So how can, and should, Western governments respond?
那么，西方政府应该如何应对呢?
The U.N. refugee agency, which took the extraordinary step of publicly rebuking Ms. Braverman for her speech Tuesday, says one key part of the solution is to apply the treaty’s “underlying principle of responsibility-sharing,” under which countries should coordinate and jointly resettle refugees.
联合国难民署采取了非同寻常的步骤，公开谴责布雷弗曼星期二的讲话。联合国难民署表示，解决方案的一个关键部分是实施该条约的“责任分担基本原则”。根据这一原则，各国应协调并共同安置难民。
That’s something the EU has been trying to achieve this year, but so far it has had little success.
这是欧盟今年一直在努力实现的目标，但迄今为止收效甚微。
By far the largest initial burden has been falling on Italy and Greece; a reception center on the Italian island of Lampedusa was briefly overwhelmed this month by a surge in arrivals from Tunisia.
到目前为止，一开始最大的负担落在了意大利和希腊身上；本月，意大利兰佩杜萨岛上的一个接待中心因来自突尼斯的难民激增而一度不堪重负。
Yet while the economic logic suggests the EU’s “responsibility-sharing” should work – mainland Europe has a declining birthrate and shortages of workers in a number of sectors – the real obstacle to a coherent response, in Britain and the United States, too, lies elsewhere.
然而，尽管经济逻辑表明欧盟的“责任分担”应该起作用——欧洲大陆的出生率正在下降，许多部门工人短缺——但在英国和美国，采取一致应对措施的真正障碍却在其他地方。
It lies in the politics, more than in the policy details.
障碍在于政治，而不是政策细节。
Voters may see the benefit in immigrants, who do jobs that others won’t, but many of them do not support immigration.
选民可能会看到移民的好处，移民会做其他人不会做的工作，但许多选民并不支持移民。
For many right-wing politicians, the priority is not to accommodate the new surge in refugees but to block it, or at least limit and deflect it.
对于许多右翼政客来说，当务之急不是为再次激增的难民提供住宿，而是阻止难民，或者至少是限制和转移难民。
Ms. Braverman says her hope is to see all the “illegal” arrivals from across the channel automatically denied asylum, detained, and “swiftly removed,” either back to their home countries or to a “safe third country.”
布雷弗曼说，她希望看到所有来自英吉利海峡对岸的“非法”入境者被自动拒绝庇护、被拘留，并被“迅速驱逐”，要么回到他们的祖国，要么回到“安全的第三国”。
Britain has sealed an agreement with the African state of Rwanda to deport them there, but that has been held up by the British Supreme Court.
英国已与非洲国家卢旺达达成驱逐难民的协议，但这一协议被英国最高法院搁置。
For more centrist or left-of-center leaders, like Mr. Biden, that kind of approach has long been anathema.
对于像拜登这样的中间派或中间偏左的领导人来说，这种做法长期以来一直是令人厌恶的。
His political record suggests he would far rather see a broader, bipartisan reform of immigration policy.
他的执政记录表明，他更愿意看到一个扩宽的、两党合作的移民政策改革。
