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经济学人:印度教民族主义者 穿短裤的人们

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India's Hindu nationalists:

印度的印度教民族主义者:
Men in shorts
穿短裤的人们
The election over, Narendra Modi may drop the Hindu right
选举结束,纳伦德拉莫迪或许将限制印度教权力。
Not physical jerks
这可不是单纯的体操。
POLITICAL pundits have spent much of the past week debating exit polls, released just after the final day of voting on May 12th. The polls pointed, more or less, to a single outcome: the Bharatiya Janata Party will wallop the incumbent party, Congress, and, led by Narendra Modi, will form the next government. Investors pushed the stockmarket to a record high. But details matter, such as whether Mr Modi can rely on a narrow coalition or will need a broad one. Here, the pollsters cannot be relied upon. The official results are due on May 16th, after The Economist goes to press.
5月12日是印度大选投票的最后一天,投票结束后不久,政府即公布了一份票站民意调查。在过去的一周中,政治专家们纷纷就这一调查结果展开辩论。调查或多或少地指向了同一个结果:纳伦德拉.莫迪领导的印度人民党将在选举中击溃现任执政党—国大党,组建下届政府。投资者们借机推动股市达到了创纪录的新高。但是一些细节将对最后的结果产生重大影响,例如莫迪先生是否可以依赖这一狭隘的联盟或是去寻求一个更广泛的合作。民意调查并不可靠,官方的结果将会在5月16日即本刊付梓后公布。

A second debate concerned the clout of the Hindu right. Since he was a boy, Mr Modi has been an activist member in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, formed in 1925 as a pro-Hindu social movement. It began with charitable aims but always carried quasi-military overtones as men in brown shorts performed dawn callisthenics. These days the RSS is rebranding itself as a more youthful, right-leaning, nationalist organisation, with rugby and volleyball on offer as alternatives to physical jerks.

第二个辩论则有关于印度教权力的影响。从童年起,莫迪先生就一直是印度国民志愿服务团的活跃成员。印度国民志愿服务团成立于1925年,支持印度教社会化运动。它是为了慈善的目的而成立,但是成员们每天早晨穿着棕色短裤演练体操却使它染上了一丝准军事化的色彩。这些天来,国民志愿服务团致力于重新标榜自己为一个更加年轻的,右倾的民族主义组织,并且提供橄榄球和排球作为一个替代体操活动的选择。
Throughout the election campaign, the RSS supplied volunteers for the BJP. The organisation's sway within the party remains strong. Mr Modi became party leader in 2013 when the RSS chose to back him. Observers see an effort to expand the RSS's “majoritarian” appeal, with less talk of Hindu identity and more about national strength. Smooth-tongued spokesmen downplay a once-core assertion of the RSS: that to be Indian was to be Hindu.
在整个的竞选活动中,RSS一直为印度人民党提供志愿者。该组织在人民党内保持着巨大的影响力。2013年,在RSS的支持下,莫迪先生成为了印度人民党的领袖。观察家们将其视作印度国民志愿服务团扩大其“多数人统治”诉求的努力,只是现在他们更少地谈及印度教的身份,转而更多地从国家力量的出发。圆滑的发言人如今则对服务团曾经核心的主张—“印度人就得是印度教徒”轻描淡写。
Yet Mr Modi's rise brings questions about the role of the RSS and the wider Sangh Parivar, or family of Hindu nationalist outfits. Some have high expectations. About 2,000 volunteers turned out to help Mr Modi in Varanasi alone. On May 12th members of the RSS's student wing cheered Mr Modi as “one of us ”, claiming he would bring relief on issues dear to them. These include calls for a temple to be built at the site of a demolished mosque in Ayodhya in Uttar Pradesh; for Muslim-majority Kashmir to lose its special status under the Indian constitution; and for the abolition of a separate marriage code for Muslims. Not for these people discussions about economic policies.
然而,莫迪先生的就职带来了有关RSS与更广泛的“联合家庭”—印度教民族主义者组织联合间的角色问题。有些人抱着很高的期待。仅在瓦拉纳西市就有约2000名志愿者帮助莫迪先生的竞选。5月12日,加入国民志愿服务团的学生们便欢呼莫迪先生是“我们的一员”,宣称他将会对有利于他们的事情(对那些穆斯林和无宗教主义者则充满忧虑)带来解决办法。这些就包括呼吁在北方邦阿约提亚市的一处废旧的清真寺旧址上修建一座寺庙;呼吁取消穆斯林人口占多数的克什米尔地区在印度宪法下的特殊地位;呼吁废除专为穆斯林制定的单独的婚姻法。以及不要为这些人讨论经济政策。
A senior RSS organiser in Varanasi talks of Mr Modi restoring pride in “what the nation lost in the last 1,000 years, in the sons of the nation, the Hindus who originally belonged to this country”. Only once before, at the defeat of Indira Gandhi in 1977, has the RSS thrown itself so heavily into party politics. Just as it is helping Mr Modi's cause, so he is helping the RSS, according to one of its spokesmen in Delhi. With more effective recruiting, especially online, 10,000 new members are said to be signing up each month, including at universities and among employees at the country's booming IT firms.
RSS的一位高级官员在瓦拉纳西市谈及莫迪先生重建了印度人的骄傲,这份骄傲是“在过去的1000年中这个国家所丢失了的事物中,在这个国家的子孙间,在那些从最开始就属于这片土地的印度教徒身上”。之前只有在1977年英迪拉.甘地失败的那一次竞选中,RSS才如此激烈地参与到过党派政治中。据德里的一位发言人称,RSS在帮助莫迪先生的事业,他也在帮助RSS。得益于更有效率的招募行动,尤其是在网络上的,据说每个月都有10,000名新成员加入,而其中就包含着在校大学生和这个国家冉冉升起的IT行业的雇员们。
If Mr Modi becomes prime minister, members of the broad Sangh Parivar family say they expect a more forceful approach to Pakistan and China. School textbooks could be reworked to show history “in the right way”, as one puts it, for example by telling how Maratha kings triumphed over Muslim armies.
如果莫迪先生当选为总理,广大的“联合家庭”成员们期待着对巴基斯坦和中国采取更为强硬的措施。学校的教科书也会被重新编写,例如通过描述马拉地国王如何打败穆斯林军队这种所谓的“正确的方式”展现历史,。
Yet Mr Modi's readiness for collaboration may prove passing. It is true that on May 10th he spent two hours with the RSS's leader, Mohan Bhagwat, reportedly to assess the national campaign and potential ruling coalitions. But with voting over, the BJP will not need its armies of street volunteers. And Hindu nationalists may recall how in Mr Modi's early years of running the state of Gujarat, he mostly kept the RSS at arm's length, worried that a rival power might arise. Widening his appeal to all Indians may mean turning his back on the more divisive outfits to which he has been close.
然而莫迪先生的合作意愿可能只是短暂的。5月10日,他与RSS的领导人莫汉.巴格瓦特会谈了两个小时,据报道是在评估全国运动以及潜在的执政联盟。但是当投票结束后,印度人民党将不再需要街头的志愿者军队。那时印度教民族主义者或许会记起莫迪先生早年在古吉拉特邦执政时是如何做的——大多数时候他都会与RSS保持距离 ,以避免反对力量的出现。迎合更广大的印度人民意味着莫迪先生会背离这一引起纠纷的组织,尽管他一直同印度国民服务团关系亲密。
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