And #MeToo has become bound up with partisanship.
According to polling earlier this year by Pew, 39% of Republican women think it is a problem that men get away with sexual harassment and assault, compared with 66% of Democratic women;
21% of Republican men think it is a problem that women are not believed, compared with 56% of Democratic men.
Mr. Kavanaugh, however his nomination turns out, is likely to deepen that divide—
if only because Republican zeal to rush his confirmation is further evidence that the party puts power first.
That was clear when it backed Mr. Trump, despite his boasts of forcing himself on women and allegations of sexual misconduct by at least 19 accusers.
Under Bill Clinton, who was also accused of sexual assault, the Democrats were not so very different.
They now offer less protection.
If #MeToo in America becomes a Democrats-only movement, it will be set back.
Some men will excuse their behaviour on the ground that it is hysteria whipped up by the left to get at Republicans.
Those questions about proof, fairness and rehabilitation will become even harder to resolve.
It takes a decade or more for patterns of social behaviour to change.
#MeToo is just one year old.
It is not about sex so much as about power—
how power is distributed, and how people are held accountable when power is abused.
Inevitably, therefore, #MeToo will morph into discussions about the absence of senior women from companies and gaps in average earnings between male and female workers.
One protection against abuse is for junior women to work in an environment that other women help create and sustain.
Conservatives often lament the role Hollywood plays in undermining morality.
With #MeToo, Tinseltown has inadvertently fostered a movement for equality.
It could turn out to be the most powerful force for a fairer settlement between men and women since women's suffrage.